Publikationer

In this article, the concept of “micro media system” is introduced to describe the relations between media and politics in microstates and societies. Drawing on ideas from the literature on democracy in microstates (Benedict, 1967; Corbett and Veenendaal, 2018; Sarapuu and Randma-Liiv, 2020), it is argued that despite their many differences, the smallest media systems share four characteristics linked to their micro size: (1) government domination, (2) high social integration and overlapping role-relationships, (3) multi-functionalism among journalists and media outlets, and (4) dependence on few individuals. These characteristics of micro media systems can weaken the media’s position in society vis-à-vis other institutions. Whereas previous research on small media systems (e.g., Puppis, 2009) has considered size as a binary variable, in this article it is argued that the size of media systems is better perceived as a continuous variable. This implies that the characteristics of micro media systems become more pronounced the smaller the media system.

In this article, the concept of “micro media system” is introduced to describe the relations between media and politics in microstates and societies. Drawing on ideas from the literature on democracy in microstates (Benedict, 1967; Corbett and Veenendaal, 2018; Sarapuu and Randma-Liiv, 2020), it is argued that despite their many differences, the smallest media systems share four characteristics linked to their micro size: (1) government domination, (2) high social integration and overlapping role-relationships, (3) multi-functionalism among journalists and media outlets, and (4) dependence on few individuals. These characteristics of micro media systems can weaken the media's position in society vis-à-vis other institutions. Whereas previous research on small media systems (e.g., Puppis, 2009) has considered size as a binary variable, in this article it is argued that the size of media systems is better perceived as a continuous variable. This implies that the characteristics of micro media systems become more pronounced the smaller the media system.

This article describes the historical development of media policy in Greenland, and the shifts in the underlying normative and causal ideas that legitimise media policy. I argue that media policy reflects changes in Greenland’s political system. Specifically, under colonial rule, Greenlandic media was state run and media was seen as an instrument to educate the population. Gradually, with the introduction of home rule, a paradigm shift took place, whereby media was seen as a vital instrument to strengthen Greenlandic language and identity. At the same time, normative ideas of media independence appeared which called for institutionalisation of the arm’s length principle. Due to the influence and institutional spill-over from Denmark, I argue, Greenlandic media policy fit rather well into the “Nordic media model” although media policy in Greenland is mostly formulated without long-term or broad political agreements.

Covid-19 drog in över Norden med full kraft under våren 2020. Ett år senare har pandemin fortfarande världen i ett starkt grepp. Både de hälsorelaterade och de ekonomiska konsekvenserna av viruset har dock varierat mellan de nordiska länderna. Samma sak gäller för den politiska responsen.

I den här rapporten görs en bred belysning av konsekvenserna av Coronapandemin för de nordiska nyhetsmedierna. Studien fokuserar på följande aspekter: reklammarknadens utveckling, publikmarknadens utveckling, politiska stödinsatser samt, avslutningsvis, de övergripande strukturella och ekonomiska konsekvenserna för de nordiska nyhetsmediemarknaderna av pandemin. Rapporten bygger på data för perioden mars till december 2020 och det redaktionella arbetet avslutades i mitten av mars 2021.

Studien har genomförts av Nordicom vid Göteborgs universitet i samarbete det nordiska medieforskarnätverket ”Nordic Media Systems Research Network”. Rapporten har initierats och finansierats av Nordiska ministerrådet.

This study compares the media systems of the West Nordic countries, namely the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Iceland. All three countries are democratic welfare states with considerable institutional transfer from the larger Nordic countries. It is argued that the West Nordic media systems fit into the “Nordic model” when it comes to the perception of media as cultural institutions as well as the central role of public service media. On the other hand, the micro-size of the media systems in the West Nordic countries makes them vulnerable, and makes editorial independence more difficult compared with their larger Nordic neighbours. In particular, media outlets within these micro-size media systems seem more susceptible to clientelism, and journalists seem more inclined towards self-censorship. This article highlights how interplay between small size and distinct local factors shape the media system in each of the West Nordic countries.

This article discusses the potential impact of Greenlandic independence on Greenland’s media system and suggests initiatives necessary for maintaining strong Greenlandic media in the future. Using Manuel Puppis' (2009) theory of the characteristics of small media systems, the Greenlandic media system is described. It is shown that it is built with the following aim in mind: the media should support the Greenlandic society by being independent and diverse, strengthening the Greenlandic language, and providing quality journalism that can heighten the public debate. However, as a small media system it is vulnerable to global tendencies where legacy media lose users and advertisers to digital platforms like Facebook and streaming services. The article argues that the vulnerability of the Greenlandic media system could increase if independence leads to a tighter public economy, impeding the media's ability to support Greenlandic society and culture. An interventionist media regulation could, therefore, be a prerequisite for a strong Greenlandic media system that can act as a unifying and nation-building institution.

Første del af rapporten beskriver det grønlandske medielandskab, og giver et billede af de nyhedsmedier der findes og de journalister, der arbejder der.

Anden del af rapporten beskriver forbruget af nyhedsmedier hos befolkningen i Grønland, og giver et billede af hvilke nyhedsmedier der benyttes hvor og af hvem.

Tredje del af rapporten er en analyse af indholdet i grønlandske nyhedsmedier, der blandt andet viser hvilke kilder der typisk kommer til orde i medierne.

Nalunaarusiap immikkoortuani siullermi Kalaallit Nunaanni tusagassiuuteqarnerup qanoq issusia oqaluttuarineqarpoq, tusagassiuutit nutaarsiassaqartitsisut tusagassiortullu taakkunani sulisut eqqartorneqarlutik.

Immikkoortup aappaani innuttaasut tusagassiuutinik atuinerat allaaserineqarpoq, tusagassiuutit nutaarsiassaqartitsisut suut, sumi kikkunnillu atorneqarnerat oqaluttuarineqarluni.

Immikkoortut pingajuat Kalaallit Nunaanni tusagassiuutit nutaarsiassaqartitsiviusut imarisaasa misissorneqarneranni paasisanik imaqarpoq, soorlu tusarfiit kikkut tusagassiuutini oqaaseqartitaagajunnerannik.

»Avisen er uafhængig af politiske og økonomiske særinteresser« står der ofte i Sermitsiaq og AG’s tillægsaviser. Alligevel kan virksomheder og myndigheder betale for at bestemme, hvad journalisterne skal skrive i dem. I resten af avisen skal selv samme journalister forholde sig kritisk til samme virksomheder. Formår de det?

»Aviisi politikkikkut aningaasarsiornikkulluunniit arlaannaannullunniit attuumassuteqanngilaq«. Taamak Sermitsiaq AG-llu aviisini ilannguttagaanni allaqqasoqartarpoq. Taamaakkaluartoq suliffeqar- fiit pisortallu tusagassiortut sunik allaaserisaqarnissaanik inassinnaasarpaat. Aviisip sinnerani tusagassiortut taak- koqqissaat suliffeqarfinnut taakkununnga isornartorsiui- sussaapput. Sapinngilaat?

Dette seminar undersøger, hvor Grønland er på vej hen – og kaster lys over de muligheder, udfordringer og dilemmaer, som Grønland står over for på her på 10 året for selvstyre.

Seks stemmer fra Grønland til at give deres vurdering af, hvad introduktionen af Selvstyre har betydet for Grønland og til at diskutere, hvad selvstændighed vil betyde for de enkelte samfundsområder og for Grønland som helhed.

Presentation on conference on media system in the Nordic countries. Nordic media systems research network.

In this article the concept ‘micro media system’ is introduced to describe the relations between media and politics in microstates and societies. Drawing on ideas from literature on democracy in microstates (Benedict, 1967; Corbett and Veenendaal, 2019; Sarapuu and Randma-Liiv, 2020), it is argued that despite their many differences, the smallest media systems share four characteristics linked to their micro size: (1) government domination, (2) high social integration and overlapping role-relationships, (3) dependence on few individuals and (4) multi-functionalism among journalists and media outlets. These characteristics of micro media systems can weaken the media’s position in society vis-à-vis other institutions.

Whereas previous research on small media systems (e.g., Puppis, 2009) has considered size as a binary variable, in this article it is argued that size of media systems is better perceived as a continuous variable. This implies that the characteristics of micro media systems become more pronounced the smaller the media system.